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<entry>
    <title>The Transcript: Tom Wolfe + Michael Gazzaniga</title>
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    <published>2008-07-01T23:09:37Z</published>
    <updated>2008-07-02T15:41:27Z</updated>
    
    <summary>The father of cognitive neuroscience and the original New Journalist discuss status, free will, the human condition, and The Interpreter.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Maggie Wittlin</name>
        
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<p><i>Wolfe, who calls himself "the social secretary of neuroscience," often turns to current research to inform his stories and cultural commentary. His 1996 essay, "Sorry, But Your Soul Just Died," raised questions about personal responsibility in the age of genetic predeterminism. Similar concerns led Gazzaniga to found the Law and Neuroscience Project. When Gazzaniga, who just published <i>Human: The Science Behind What Makes Us Unique</i>, was last in New York, Seed incited a discussion: on status, free will, and the human condition.</i></p>

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<p><b>Tom Wolfe:</b> Mike, I don't want you to think I'm giving up my right to disagree with you down the line &mdash; I may not have to &mdash; but you're one of the very few evolutionary thinkers and neuroscientists that I pay attention to, and I'll tell you why. In the '90s, when the subject of neuroscience and also genetics started becoming hot, there was a tendency to conflate genetic theory and evolutionary theory with neuroscience, as if the two were locked, which just isn't true. Remember Jose Delgado, the wave brain physiologist who was at Yale at one time?</p>

<p><b>Michael Gazzaniga:</b> Oh yeah. Sure.</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> The guy stood in a smock in a bullring and put stereotaxic needles in the brain of a bull and just let himself be charged. He had a radio transmitter. The bull is as far away as that wall is from me, and he presses the thing and the bull goes dadadada and comes to a stop. </p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Right.</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> He's still with us; he's in his 90s. Anyway, his son, also Jose Delgado, and also a neuroscientist, was interviewed recently and he said, "The human brain is complex beyond anybody's imagining, let alone comprehension." He said, "We are not a few miles down a long road; we are a few inches down the long road." Then he said, "All the rest is literature." </p>

<p>Many of today's leading theorists, such as E. O. Wilson, Richard Dawkins, and Dan Dennett, probably know about as much on the human brain as a second-year graduate student in neuropsychology. That isn't their field. Wilson is a great zoologist and a brilliant writer. Dawkins, I'm afraid, is now just a PR man for evolution. He's kind of like John the Baptist &mdash; he goes around announcing the imminent arrival. Dennett, of course, is a philosopher and doesn't pretend to know anything about the brain. I think it has distorted the whole discussion.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Well, let me roll the cameras back to the '80s and '90s, when neuroscience was taking off. There were new techniques available to understand the chemical, physiological, and anatomical processes in the brain. Imaging was starting up and the inrush of data was enormous and exciting. So there was a hunger for the big picture: What does it mean? How do we put it together into a story? Ultimately, everything's got to have a narrative in science, as in life. And there was a need for people who didn't spend their time looking down a microscope to tell a story of what this could mean. I would say that some of the people who've made attempts at that did a very good job. But I will hold out for the fact that if you haven't slaved away looking at the nervous system with the tools of neuroscience &mdash; if you're only talking about it &mdash; you don't quite have the same respect for it. Because it is an extraordinarily complex machine. If Jose Delgado says we're 2 inches down the road to this long journey, I would say it's more like 2 microns.</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> Right.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> It's a very daunting task. When I was at Dartmouth College in the late '50s studying biology, they were just beginning to tell us about DNA. It was a dream. Linus Pauling said, "Someday there's going to be molecular medicine." And the response was: "What are you talking about?"<br />
In the past 55 years, there's been this explosion of work and incredible, intricate knowledge about how genes work. My youngest daughter is now a graduate student in genetics, I'm happy to report. So this past Christmas, I said, "I'm going to buy a genetics textbook and read the sucker, and I'm going to be able to converse with my daughter." I got to page two, and I said, "I'm going to talk to her about other things."</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> Ha ha.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> It's far too complicated. But it's at a point where there's an explosion of information all over the world. And you feel it &mdash; the next new idea is waiting to happen.</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> I think all this excitement has spawned a replacement for Freudian psychologists. They've been replaced by the evolutionary psychologists, whose main interest seems to be to retrofit the theory of evolution on whatever ended up happening. I read an example in your new book of a woman who's come up with an elaborate theory that music has a survival benefit in the evolutionary sense because it increases the social cohesiveness of populations. I would love for her to read a piece that appeared recently in the New Yorker about a tribe, the Pirahã in the Maici River, a little tributary of the Amazon. This tribe, it turns out, has a language with eight consonants and three vowels. I think they have a sum total of 52 words or something like that. As a result, they have little art, they have no music, no dance, and no religion. They're usually cited because they seem to be a terrible exception to Noam Chomsky's rule that all people are born with a structure that enables them to put words in a grammatical form. Not the Pirahã! And they're not stupid or retarded in any sense. They just had never increased their language abilities &mdash; and they don't want to.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Yeah. Well, exceptions are historic. Look, the good evolutionary psychologists are good. They're telling us not to fall into the trap of thinking that everything's fixable via simple learning mechanisms or social engineering. They're saying, "Look, there are basic aspects to human nature that are common to all members of our species and have been there a long time." What's exciting is that we've developed this cognitive mechanism to free us from the things that determine so much of our behavior. And by doing so, we've sort of cut the rope from the rest of the animal kingdom. We can do things and we can cultivate certain behavior, even though there are obviously a lot of tendencies that are part of our biology. For example, here's an idea that comes from evolutionary psychology, an observation that I think is rather shrewd: Why are members of our species drawn to the fictional experience? Here you are, someone who's spent your life with fiction &mdash; </p>

<p><b>TW:</b>  &mdash; I was at one time a journalist. We don't deal with fiction. Not intentionally.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Ha ha &mdash; right. But it's a fascinating thing to think of the role that fiction and make-believe play. Do you feel, when you create a body of fiction, that you're opening up possibilities for people to think about problems in a different way? To confront things they don't yet know about?</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> Well, I do take issue with the idea that all stories have a bearing on evolutionary benefits or survival benefits. In my opinion all stories have to do with status. When people say, "I just want some good escape literature," what they're looking for are dramatizations of people facing status problems. Harry Potter is like every child who feels overwhelmed by this adult world around him, and he overcomes it in ways that don't interest me in particular &mdash; he can pull things out of the air. But, like Anna Karenina, it's a story about status problems. Tolstoy and Flaubert would be paupers today, writing these novels, which are all based on the idea that a woman must remain chaste. They'd be laughed out of town. The story of Anna Kerenina and Vronsky would be a Page Six item and then that would be the end of it. But if we successfully put ourselves in the mindset of the 19th century, we can really enjoy the status problems that they have.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Do you think all art is about status?</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> Well, certainly not music. Dance, maybe yes, maybe no. But literature and movies, yes. To me the crucial point is something, which I don't think even Chomsky understands, about speech and language. Chomsky and many other people are wonderful at telling us how language works, and about differences in languages and the historical progression of languages across the face of the Earth. But I seem to be the one person who realizes the properties of speech. Speech is an artifact. It's not a natural progression of intelligence, in my opinion &mdash; we have to look only at the Pirahã for that. It's a code. You're inventing a code for all the objects in the world and then establishing relationships between those objects. And speech has fundamentally transformed human beings.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> By speech I assume you mean language and not the actual act of speaking?</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> To me, it's the same, speech and talking.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Okay, so what do you think language and speech are for? I mean, it's probably an adaptation. We're big animals, and that's one of the goodies that we got.</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> I think speech is entirely different from other survival benefits. Only with speech can you ask the question, "Why?"</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Right.</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> Animals cannot ask why. In one way or another, they can ask what, where, and when. But they cannot ask why. I've never seen an animal shrug. When you shrug, you're trying to say, "I don't know why." And they also can't ask how.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Yeah.</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> With language you can ask that question. I think it's at that point where religion starts. </p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Right.</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> Humans got language and they were suddenly able to say, "Hey, why is all this here? Who put it here?" And my assumption is that they said, "There must be somebody like us but much bigger, much more powerful, that could make all these trees, the streams. God must be really something, and you'd better not get on the wrong side of him." I think that's the way it started.</p>

<p><b>STORYTIME, ALL THE TIME</b></p>

<p><b>MG:</b> As you may know, I came across this phenomenon that I call the Interpreter. It's something that's in the left hemisphere of the human; it tries to put a story together as to why something occurred. So, we found this in patients who've had their brains divided. What we could do is sort of tiptoe into their nonspeaking right hemisphere and get them to do something like walk out of the room or lift their hand up. Then we would ask the left hemisphere, "Why did you do that?" And they would cook up a story to make sense out of what their disconnected right hemisphere just did. The left brain didn't know that we'd pulled a trick on them, so they concoct an explanation for why they walked out of the room. And it's because this left hemisphere can ask, "Why? What's that all about?" But one of the things we've never been able to unpack is whether this Interpreter is completely overlapping with the language system and is therefore a sort of press agent for its own mechanism. What we do know is that there are separate systems for different types of cognition. And the Interpreter seems to be located in the parts of the brain where language is located. So many people do think that interpretive capacity comes with language; that this is the deal with language &mdash; it comes along for the ride. Others believe that there are actually all kinds of different cognitive mechanisms happening, and language reports them out. So the function of language is to talk about it, talk about what you know and communicate, "Hey! Look here, I know how to cook a fish. Here, let me show you how." </p>

<p><b>TW:</b> I've always been interested in your theory of the Interpreter. When I was in graduate school, I was introduced to this concept of social status in the work of Max Weber, the German sociologist. And the more I thought about it, the more I could see that status was not simply something that was appearances and houses and automobiles, or even ranks in a corporation or that sort of thing. It invaded every single part of life. I remember when I was in graduate school, there was a setup wherein a common bathroom was shared by two rooms. And there was a student from India &mdash; a brilliant scientist &mdash; who had apparently come from way out in the countryside, with no natural social standing and not many amenities. Now, you'd think the things you do in absolute private would not be driven by status concerns. But he heard three of his American friends joking about the fact that when they went into the bathroom, they found footprints on the toilet seat. Well, this fellow had never seen a porcelain toilet before. He was crushed. He felt absolutely humiliated, and here was something that goes on in private.</p>

<p>Anyway, this was something before I'd ever heard of neuroscience, and I said, "There must be something in the brain that registers this, your status in every kind of situation." And I kept looking for it. Freud had been such a powerful figure that everyone seemed to think, "Freud's got the bottom line, why should we go through all these complicated neurons and everything to see how he got there. He's got it." I hoped to find the answer in Delgado's book, but it wasn't really there. It wasn't until I ran across your concept of the Interpreter that I thought, "Hey, maybe we've got it." </p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Well, the key concept in understanding status has to do with the idea of social comparison. The Interpreter fires up and almost reflexively starts to compare the new person with one's self and others. Multiple factors seep into this narrative being built by the Interpreter and the importance of status is one of the products of that process.  </p>

<p>Still, I think the essential question that neuroscience has to answer is why, when I interact with someone, I don't think it's my brain talking to their brain. I'm talking to Tom Wolfe, and you're listening to Mike Gazzaniga, right? We instantly convert to that: I give you an essence right off the bat. I put you at the level of a person with mental states and all the rest of it. That mechanism, it makes us all dualists in a way. Absolute dualists. That mechanism is the deep mystery of neuroscience, and no one has touched it yet. No one knows how that works. That's the goal.</p>

<p>For my part, what I've come to realize is that the neuroscience of the next 20 years will be studying social processes of humans. In order to get to the biology of anything, you need technology that allows you to study the human mind. It's only really in the past 10 or 15 years that we've had the new methods of imaging. And they keep getting better and better and better. The ability to think about other people is probably the impetus behind all these marvelous things the human brain can do. </p>

<p><b>TW:</b> Every time we go into a room with other people, it's as if we have a teleprompter in front of us and it's telling us the history of ourselves versus these people. We can't even think of thinking without this huge library of good information and bad information.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> That's why the great psycholinguist George Miller, whom we shared a dinner with once, called us the "informavores." That's how he wanted to cast us. </p>

<p>When you get up in the morning, you do not think about triangles and squares and these similes that psychologists have been using for the past 100 years.</p>

<p>You think about status. You think about where you are in relation to your peers. You're thinking about your spouse, about your kids, about your boss. Ninety-nine percent of your time is spent thinking about other people's thoughts about you, their intentions, and all this kind of stuff. So sorting all that out, how we navigate this complex social world, there's going to be a neuroscience to it, and I think it's going to be very powerful.</p>

<p><b>THE NEW IDENTITY CRISIS</b></p>

<p><b>MG:</b> I'm involved in a new project called "Neuroscience and the Law," which I think you're familiar with. It brings up the idea that there are these causal forces that make us do the things we do, that by the time you're consciously aware of something, your brain's already done it. How else could it be? Because the brain is what's producing these mental events that we're sorting through. So these ideas &mdash; what I call the ooze of neuroscience &mdash; are going out everywhere, and people are willing to accept that: "My brain did it. Officer, it wasn't me." These defenses are popping up all over the judicial system. But if we adopt that, then it's hard to see why we have a retributive response to a wrongdoing. It would seem to me to be morally wrong to blame someone for something that was going to happen anyway because of forces beyond their control. So people get into this loop, and they get very concerned about the nature of our retributive response. This puts you right smack in the middle of the question: Are we free to do what we think we're doing? </p>

<p><b>TW:</b> Oh, it's the hottest subject in academia. Philosophy students are flocking to neuroscience because they think the answers are all there, not in our silly, cherished way of thinking. It's called "materialism," to some. We are computers, and a computer is programmed a certain way, and there's nothing the computer can do to change its programming. I think materialism is too grand a word for it. It's mechanical. I mean, here's what happens. The scientist says, "We are machines." There's no ghost in the machine. There's no little tiny "me" in the conning tower surveying the universe and figuring out a place within it. It's a machine. Things get more and more complicated when it comes to humans, but it's still a machine. Obviously, this machine has no free choice. It's programmed to do certain things. It's as if you threw a rock in the air, and in midflight you gave that rock consciousness. That rock would come up with 12 airtight, logical reasons why it's going in that direction. This has caught on like wildfire. The flaw in that is that speech, language, creates so many variables. Speech reacts. It's the only artifact I can think of that reacts. </p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Well, I think using the term "free will" is just a bad way to capture the problem. Because here's the question: Free from what? What are you trying to be free from?</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> It's a very simple definition: You make your own decisions.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Yeah. But who is "you"? "You" is this person with this brain that has been interacting with this environment since you were born, learning about the good and the bad, the things that work and don't work. You've been making decisions all the way along, and now you have a new one and you want to be free to make it. So psychologically, the Interpreter is telling you you're making this decision. But the trick is understanding that your brain is basing the decision on past experience, on all the stuff it has learned. You want a reliable machine to make the actual act occur. You want to be responding rationally to any challenge that you get in the world, because you want that experience to be evaluated. That's all going on in your brain second by second, moment to moment. And as a result, you make a decision about it. And phenomenologically, when the decision finally comes out, you say, "Oh, that's me!"</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> Speech has introduced so many variables into your machine that it becomes pointless to argue whether this is free or not free will. Obviously, it's not free in the sense that if you don't have this body, you can't do anything. But it is free in the sense that because of your experiences and because of the reactions of speech constantly feeding you new material, your brain is going to operate differently from anybody else's, and that is the free will &mdash; whether you call it mechanical or not. Everybody becomes such an individual, it becomes pointless to say, "You didn't make that decision." It's an absurd idea.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Well, I think we're saying the same thing. There is a very clever little experiment that you would be amused by, run by my colleague Jonathan Schooler. He has a bunch of students read a paragraph or two from the Francis Crick book, Astonishing Hypothesis, which is very deterministic in tone and intent. And then he has another group of students reading an inspirational book about how we make our own decisions and determine our own path. He then lets each group play a videogame in which you're free to cheat. So guess who cheats? The people who have just read that it's all determined cheat their pants off. </p>

<p>I think people who try to find personal responsibility in the brain are wrongheaded. Think of it this way: If you're the only person in the world, you live alone on an island, there's no concept of personal responsibility. Who are you being personally responsible to? If somebody shows up on the island though &mdash; </p>

<p><b>TW:</b>  &mdash; Friday was his name.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Yeah, exactly. Then you've got a social group. And the group starts to make rules; that's the only way they're going to function. Out of those rules comes responsibility. So responsibilities are to the relationships within the social groups, and when someone breaks a rule, they're breaking a social rule. So don't look for where in their brain something went wrong; look at the fact that they broke a rule, which they could have followed. I'm actually kind of hard-nosed about this. I think people should be held accountable for lots of stuff.</p>

<p><b>TW:</b> No, I would certainly agree with that. In fact, my theory of status is that all of us live by a set of values that, if written in stone, would make not me but my group superior in some way. I think there are just so many kinds of status layers due solely to likeness. You can always find a group that seems to justify whatever you're doing.</p>

<p><b>MG:</b> Our species seems brilliant at forming groups &mdash; indeed support groups &mdash; for almost anything.  And no matter what the group is about, no matter what its character, it becomes advocatory.</p>]]>
        
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<entry>
    <title>Cribsheet #16: Synthetic Biology</title>
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    <published>2008-06-25T20:50:23Z</published>
    <updated>2008-06-25T21:23:43Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Seed&apos;s Downloadable Tool for Living in the 21st Century</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Maggie Wittlin</name>
        
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        <![CDATA[<p class="cribDeck">Scientific issues and innovations are figuring into everyday conversation
more than ever before. Recognizing that we could all use some brushing up, <i>Seed</i> offers its Cribsheet.</p>

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<img alt="16cribsheet.jpg" src="http://www.seedmagazine.com/news/uploads/16cribsheet.jpg" width="264" height="320" />
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<p class="cribNumber">16</p>

<h3 class="cribLabel">Synthetic Biology</h3>

<p>Synthetic biology is a field devoted to creating better tools for biological engineering, which could be used to create new biological systems. This Cribsheet summarizes the basics of biotechnology and explains how to assemble and program strands of DNA. It also charts the progress of synthetic biology toward a future of cheap, powerful, easy-to-use biotechnology tools that may be difficult to regulate or control.</p>

<h3 class="downloadLabel">Download the Crib Sheet</h3>

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<li class="gif"><a href="http://www.seedmagazine.com/news/uploads/16cribsheet.gif">GIF format (848k)</a></li>
<li class="pdf"><a href="http://www.seedmagazine.com/news/uploads/16cribsheet.pdf">PDF format (548k)</a></li>
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<p class="cribCredit">Illustrator: Thomas Porostocky &mdash; <a href="http://wwww.porostocky.com/" target="_blank">www.porostocky.com <http://www.porostocky.com> </a>  Writer: Lee Billings and Drew Endy Consultant: Drew Endy, Assistant Professor of Biological Engineering, Massachusetts Institute of Technology</p>

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<entry>
    <title>The Reality Tests</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.seedmagazine.com/news/2008/06/the_reality_tests_1.php" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://www.seedmagazine.com/cgi-bin/MT/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=1/entry_id=1913" title="The Reality Tests" />
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    <published>2008-06-04T16:10:07Z</published>
    <updated>2008-06-04T16:06:46Z</updated>
    
    <summary>A team of physicists in Vienna has devised experiments that may answer one of the enduring riddles of science: Do we create the world just by looking at it?</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Maggie Wittlin</name>
        
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<span>Anton Zeilinger heads up the IQOQI lab in Vienna. <i>Photograph by Mark Mahaney.</i></span>
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<p><b>To enter the somewhat</b> formidable Neo-Renaissance building at Boltzmanngasse 3 in Vienna, you must pass through a small door sawed from the original cathedrallike entrance. When I first visited this past March, it was chilly and overcast in the late afternoon. Atop several tall stories of scaffolding there were two men who would hardly have been visible from the street were it not for their sunrise-orange jumpsuits. As I was about to pass through the nested entrance, I heard a sudden rush of wind and felt a mist of winter drizzle. I glanced up. The veiled workers were power-washing away the building's façade, down to the century-old brick underneath.</p>

<p>In 1908 Karl Kupelwieser, Ludwig Wittgenstein's uncle, donated the money to construct this building and turn Austria- Hungary into the principal destination for the study of radium. Above the doorway the edifice still bears the name of this founding purpose. But since 2005 this has been home of the Institut für Quantenoptik und Quanteninformation (IQOQI, pronounced "ee-ko-kee"), a center devoted to the foundations of quantum mechanics. The IQOQI, which includes a sister facility to the southwest in the valley town of Innsbruck, was initially realized in 2003 at the behest of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. However, the institute's conception several years earlier was predominantly due to one man: Anton Zeilinger. This past January, Zeilinger became the first ever recipient of the Isaac Newton Medal for his pioneering contributions to physics as the head of one of the most successful quantum optics groups in the world. Over the past two decades, he and his colleagues have done as much as anyone else to test quantum mechanics. And since its inception more than 80 years ago, quantum mechanics has possibly weathered more scrutiny than any theory ever devised. Quantum mechanics appears correct, and now Zeilinger and his group have started experimenting with what the theory means.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Some physicists still find quantum mechanics unpalatable, if not unbelievable, because of what it implies about the world beyond our senses. The theory's mathematics is simple enough to be taught to undergraduates, but the physical implications of that mathematics give rise to deep philosophical questions that remain unresolved. Quantum mechanics fundamentally concerns the way in which we observers connect to the universe we observe. The theory implies that when we measure particles and atoms, at least one of two long-held physical principles is untenable: Distant events do not affect one other, and properties we wish to observe exist before our measurements. One of these, locality or realism, must be fundamentally incorrect.</p>

<p>For more than 70 years, innumerable physicists have tried to disentangle the meaning of quantum mechanics through debate. Now Zeilinger and his collaborators have performed a series of experiments that, while neatly agreeing with the theory's predictions, are reinvigorating these historical dialogues. In Vienna experiments are testing whether quantum mechanics permits a fundamental physical reality. A new way of understanding an already powerful theory is beginning to take shape, one that could change the way we understand the world around us. Do we create what we observe through the act of our observations?</p>

<p><b>Most of us would agree</b> that there exists a world outside our minds. At the classical level of our perceptions, this belief is almost certainly correct. If your couch is blue, you will observe it as such whether drunk, in high spirits, or depressed; the color is surely independent of the majority of your mental states. If you discovered your couch were suddenly red, you could be sure there was a cause. The classical world is real, and not only in your head. Solipsism hasn't really been a viable philosophical doctrine for decades, if not centuries.</p>

<p>But none of us perceives the world as it exists <i>fundamentally.</i> We do not observe the tiniest bits of matter, nor the forces that move them, individually through our senses. We evolved to experience the world in bulk, our faculties registering the net effect of trillions upon trillions of particles or atoms moving in concert. We are crude measurers. So divorced are we from the activity beneath our experience that physicists became relatively assured of the existence of atoms only about a century ago. </p>

<p>Physicists attribute a fundamental reality to what they do not directly perceive. Particles and atoms have observable effects that are well described by theories like quantum mechanics. Single atoms have been "seen" in measurements and presumably exist whether or not we observe them individually. The properties that define particles&mdash;mass, spin, etc.&mdash;are also thought to exist before we measure them. In physics this is how reality is defined; particles and atoms have measurable properties that exist prior to measurement. This is nothing stranger than your blue couch.</p>

<p>As a physical example, light consists of particles known as photons that each have a property called polarization. Measuring polarization is usually something like telling time; the property can be thought of like the direction of a second hand on a clock. For unpolarized light, the second hand can face any direction as with a normal clock; for polarized light the hand will face in only one or a few directions, as if the clock were broken. That photons can be polarized is, in fact, what allows some sunglasses to eliminate glare&mdash;the glasses block certain polarizations and let others through. In Vienna the polarization of light is also being used to test reality.</p>

<p>For a few months in 2006, Simon Gr&ouml;blacher, who had started his PhD not long before, spent his Saturdays testing realism. Time in the labs at the IQOQI is precious, and during the week other experiments with priority were already underway. Zeilinger and the rest of their collaborators weren't too worried that this kind of experiment would get scooped. They were content to let Gr&ouml;blacher test reality in the lab's spare time.</p>

<p>It was after 2 pm when I first met Gr&ouml;blacher, and he had just woken up; they are installing an elevator in his lab and so he works nights. He had told me to come to the top floor of the IQOQI building to find him. I made my way up the broad granite steps, and on the final landing I heard shouts from a half-open door. There was a raucous game of foosball in the lounge. When Gr&ouml;blacher saw me, someone else grabbed the handles.</p>

<p>The lab where Gr&ouml;blacher performed the first experiment on realism is on the second floor of the Universität Wien physics department, which connects to the IQOQI through a third-floor bridge. The original experiment has given way to another, but, Gr&ouml;blacher tells me, the setup looks roughly the same.</p>

<p>In the middle of the cramped space is a floating metal surface, about the size of a banquet table, latticed with drill holes. A forest of black optical equipment, like monocles atop tiny poles, seems to grow out of the table. Beam splitters resemble exact, glass die. In the center is an encased crystal that is not visible, and on the ends sit idle lasers.</p>

<p>Gr&ouml;blacher walked me through the tabletop obstacle course: The laser light passes through a series of polarizers and filters, hits the crystal, and splits into two beams of single-file photons. Detectors in both beams measure the polarization of each photon, which are related to one another. The data is tested against two theories: one that preserved realism but allowed strange effects from anywhere out there in the universe, and quantum mechanics.</p>

<p>The whole experiment would fit snugly in a child's bedroom, and as I looked at the table, I refrained from asking my first instinctual questions. "This is it? This is where you tested realism?" I already knew how unfair these questions were. It had taken a few months of tests, and almost two years for Zeilinger's group to understand how this experiment tests realism. Before that, it had been more than 80 years since physicists began to argue about what quantum mechanics had to do with reality at all.</p>

<p class="insetImage">
<img alt="" src="/news/uploads/16reality3684.jpg" />
<span>Phd student Simon Gr&ouml;blacher sits behind the floating table where he spends evenings doing Schr&ouml;dinger's cat-style experiments. <i>Photograph by Mark Mahaney.</i></span>
</p>

<p><b>In the summer of 1925,</b> Werner Heisenberg was stricken with hay fever and having trouble with math. He asked his advisor for two weeks off and left for a barren island in the North Sea. He spent his mornings swimming and hiking, but every evening Heisenberg tried to describe atoms in a theory that included only what could be measured. One night, feverish with insight, he calculated until dawn. After Heisenberg put down his pencil as the sun began to rise, he walked to the tip of the island, confident he had discovered quantum mechanics.</p>

<p>By this time a quarter century had passed since Max Planck first described energy as whole-number multiples of a basic unit, which he called the quantum. When two of the quantum's other leading progenitors, Niels Bohr and Albert Einstein, heard about Heisenberg's completion of the work they began, their reactions were almost immediate; Bohr was impressed, Einstein was not. Heisenberg's theory emphasized the discrete, particle-like nature of matter, and Einstein, who tended to think in images, could not picture it in his head.</p>

<p>In Switzerland, Erwin Schr&ouml;dinger had also been "repelled" by Heisenberg's theory. In the fall of 1925, Schr&ouml;dinger was 38 years old and rife with self-doubt, but when Einstein sent him an article describing a possible duality between particles and waves, Schr&ouml;dinger had an idea. Over a period of six months, he published five papers outlining a wave theory of the atom. Though it proved difficult to physically interpret what his wave was, the theory felt familiar to Schr&ouml;dinger. Heisenberg, who had moved to Copenhagen to become Bohr's assistant, thought the theory "disgusting."</p>

<p>Schr&ouml;dinger and Heisenberg independently uncovered dual descriptions of particles and atoms. Later, the theories proved equivalent. Then in 1926 Heisenberg's previous advisor, Max Born, discovered why no one had found a physical interpretation for Schr&ouml;dinger's wave function. They are not physical waves at all; rather the wave function includes all the possible states of a system. Before a measurement those states exist in <i>superposition,</i> wherein every possible outcome is described at the same time. Superposition is one of the defining qualities of quantum mechanics and implies that individual events cannot be predicted; only the probability of an experimental outcome can be derived.</p>

<p>The following year, in 1927, Heisenberg discovered the uncertainty principle, which placed a fundamental limit on certain measurements. Pairs of specific quantities are incompatible observables; momentum and position, energy and time, and other measurable pairs cannot be known together with absolute accuracy. Measuring one restricts knowledge of the other. With this quantum mechanics had become a full theory. But what physicists ended up with was a world divided. There was an inherent distinction between atoms unseen and their collective motion we witness with our eyes&mdash;the quantum versus the classical. While the distinction appeared physical, many, like Bohr, thought it philosophical; the theory lacked a proper interpretation.</p>

<p>According to Bohr every measuring device affects what it is used to observe. The quantum world is discrete and so there can never be absolute precision during a measurement. To know about quantum mechanics, we rely on classical devices. To Bohr this implied that the hierarchy between observer and observed had no meaning; they were nonseparable. Concepts once thought to be mutually exclusive, such as waves and particles, were also complements. The difference was only language.</p>

<p>By contrast Einstein was a realist who believed in a world independent of the way it is measured. During a set of conferences at the Hotel Metropole in Brussels, he and Bohr argued famously over the validity of quantum mechanics and Einstein presented a number of thought experiments intended to show the theory incorrect. But when Bohr used Einstein's own theory of relativity to evade one of these thought experiments, Einstein was so stung he never tried to disprove quantum mechanics again, though he continued to criticize it.</p>

<p>In 1935, from an idyllic corner of New Jersey, Einstein and two young collaborators began a different assault on quantum mechanics. Einstein, Podolsky, and Rosen (EPR) did not question the theory's correctness, but rather its completeness. More than the notion that god might play dice, what most bothered Einstein were quantum mechanics' implications for reality. As Einstein prosaically inquired once of a walking companion, "Do you really believe that the moon exists only when you look at it?"</p>

<p>The EPR paper begins by asserting that there's a real world outside theories. "Any serious consideration of a physical theory must take into account the distinction between the objective reality, which is independent of any theory, and the physical concepts with which the theory operates." If quantum mechanics is complete, then "every element of physical reality must have a counterpart in the physical theory." EPR argued that objects must have preexisting values for measurable quantities and that this implied that certain elements of reality could not be determined by quantum mechanics.</p>

<p>Einstein and his colleagues imagined two electrons that collide and fly apart. After the collision the electrons exist in a state of superposition of the possible values for their momenta. Mathematically and physically, it makes no sense to say that either electron has a definite momentum independent of the other before measurement; they are "entangled." But when one electron's momentum is measured, the value of the other's is instantly known and the superpositions collapse. Once the momentum is known for a particle, we cannot measure its position. This element of reality is denied us by the uncertainty principle. Even stranger is that this occurs even when the electrons fly vast distances apart before measurement. Quantum mechanics still describes the electrons as a single system across space. Einstein could never stomach that an experiment at one electron would instantaneously affect the other.</p>

<p>In Copenhagen Bohr began an immediate response. It didn't matter if particles might affect one another over vast distances, or that particles had no observable properties before they are observed. As Bohr later said, "There is no quantum world. There is only an abstract quantum physical description." Physicists' discourse on reality began just as the world slid inexorably toward war. During WWII physicists once interested in philosophy worried about other issues. David Bohm, however, did worry. After the war Bohm was a professor at Princeton, where he wrote a famous textbook on quantum mechanics. Einstein thought it was the best presentation of quantum mechanics he had read, and when Bohm began to challenge the theory, Einstein said, "If anyone can do it, then it will be Bohm."</p>

<p>In 1952, during the Red Scare, Bohm moved to Brazil. There he discovered a theory in which a particle's position was determined by a "hidden variable" even when its momentum was absolutely known. To Bohm reality was important, and so to preserve it, he was willing to abandon locality and accept that entangled particles influenced one another over vast distances. However, Bohm's hidden variables theory made the same predictions as quantum mechanics, which already worked.</p>

<p>In America Bohm's theory was ignored. But when the Irishman John Bell read Bohm's idea, he said, "I saw the impossible done." Bell thought hidden variables might show quantum mechanics incomplete. Starting from Bohm's work, Bell derived another kind of hidden variables theory that could make predictions different from those of quantum mechanics. The theories could be tested against one another in an EPR-type experiment. But Bell made two assumptions that quantum mechanics does not; the world is local (no distant influences) and real (preexisting properties). If quantum mechanics were correct, one or both of these assumptions were false, though Bell's theorem could not determine which.</p>

<p>Bell's work on local hidden variables theory stirred little interest until the 1970s, when groups lead by John Clauser, Abner Shimony, and others devised experimental schemes in which the idea could be tested with light's polarizations instead of electrons' momentum. Then in 1982 a young Frenchman named Alain Aspect performed a rigorous test of Bell's theory on which most physicists finally agreed. Quantum mechanics was correct, and either locality or realism was fundamentally wrong. </p>

<p>During the 1980s and 1990s, the foundations of quantum mechanics slowly returned to vogue. The theory had been shown, with high certainty, to be true, though loopholes in experiments still left some small hope for disbelievers. However, even to believers, nagging questions remained: Was the problem with quantum mechanics locality, realism, or both? Could the two be tested?</p>

<p><b>in may of 2004</b> Markus Aspelmeyer met Anthony Leggett during a conference at the Outing Lodge in Minnesota. Leggett, who had won the Nobel Prize the year before, approached Aspelmeyer, who had recently become a research assistant to Zeilinger, about testing an idea he first had almost 30 years before.</p>

<p>In 1976 Leggett left Sussex on teaching exchange to the University of Science and Technology in Kumasi, the second largest city in Ghana. For the first time in many years, he had free time to really think, but the university's library was woefully out of date. Leggett decided to work on an idea that didn't require literature because few had thought about it since David Bohm: nonlocal hidden variables theories. He found a result, filed the paper in a drawer, and didn't think about it again until the early 2000s.</p>

<p>Leggett doesn't believe quantum mechanics is correct, and there are few places for a person of such disbelief to now turn. But Leggett decided to find out what believing in quantum mechanics might require. He worked out what would happen if one took the idea of nonlocality in quantum mechanics seriously, by allowing for just about any possible outside influences on a detector set to register polarizations of light. Any unknown event might change what is measured. The only assumption Leggett made was that a natural form of realism hold true; photons should have measurable polarizations that exist before they are measured. With this he laboriously derived a new set of hidden variables theorems and inequalities as Bell once had. But whereas Bell's work could not distinguish between realism and locality, Leggett's did. The two could be tested.</p>

<p>When Aspelmeyer returned to Vienna, he grabbed the nearest theorist he could find, Tomasz Paterek, whom everyone calls "Tomek." Tomek was at the IQOQI on fellowship from his native Poland and together, they enlisted Simon Gr&ouml;blacher, Aspelmeyer's student. With Leggett's assistance, the three spent six months painfully checking his calculations. They even found a small error. Then they set about recasting the idea, with a few of the other resident theorists, into a form they could test. When they were done, they went to visit Anton Zeilinger. The experiment wouldn't be too difficult, but understanding it would. It took them months to reach their tentative conclusion: If quantum mechanics described the data, then the lights' polarizations didn't exist before being measured. Realism in quantum mechanics would be untenable.</p>

<p class="insetImage">
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<span>Anton Zeilinger stands in front of the door to his office. To his left is a glass cabinet that holds the numerous medals he has won for tests of quantum mechanics. <i>Photograph by Mark Mahaney.</i></span>
</p>

<p><b>On my final morning in vienna,</b> snow was tumbling like dryer sheets as I stared out the window of the IQOQI waiting to speak again with Zeilinger. Suddenly, there was a great flash of lightning and a long roll of thunder as snow continued to fall. I turned around to no one and Zeilinger's assistant appeared. He now had time to talk.</p>

<p>Though less robust and more intimidating, Zeilinger bears a slight resemblance to the American Kris Kringle. Born in 1945, he is tall and stout with a beard and white mane of hair. He wears tailored jackets, though insists he is a hands-on kind of guy.</p>

<p>As a student in Vienna in the 1960s, Zeilinger never attended a single course in quantum mechanics, which may help to explain the way he has investigated it since&mdash;with the zeal of a late convert. In the past decade or so, Zeilinger and his many collaborators were the first to teleport light, use quantum cryptography for a bank transaction (with optical fibers in the sewers of Vienna), realize a one-way quantum computer, and achieve entanglement over large distances through the air, first across the Danube River and then between two of the Canary Islands. Zeilinger's work had also previously shown the greatest distinction between quantum mechanics and local realism.</p>

<p>Zeilinger's office is large and sparsely decorated. A few books lean on a lengthy, glass-fronted bookshelf. As he spoke, Zeilinger reclined in a black chair, and I leaned forward on a red couch. "Quantum mechanics is very fundamental, probably even more fundamental than we appreciate," he said, "But to give up on realism altogether is certainly wrong. Going back to Einstein, to give up realism about the moon, that's ridiculous. But on the quantum level we do have to give up realism."</p>

<p>With eerie precision, the results of Gr&ouml;blacher's weekend experiments had followed the curve predicted by quantum mechanics. The data defied the predictions of Leggett's model by three orders of magnitude. Though they could never observe it, the polarizations truly did not exist before being measured. For so fundamental a result, Zeilinger and his group needed to test quantum mechanics again. In a room atop the IQOQI building, another PhD student, Alessandro Fedrizzi, recreated the experiment using a laser found in a Blu-ray disk player. </p>

<p>Leggett's theory was more powerful than Bell's because it required that light's polarization be measured not just like the second hand on a clock face, but over an entire sphere. In essence, there were an infinite number of clock faces on which the second hand could point. For the experimenters this meant that they had to account for an infinite number of possible measurement settings. So Zeilinger's group rederived Leggett's theory for a finite number of measurements. There were certain directions the polarization would more likely face in quantum mechanics. This test was more stringent. In mid-2007 Fedrizzi found that the new realism model was violated by 80 orders of magnitude; the group was even more assured that quantum mechanics was correct.</p>

<p>Leggett agrees with Zeilinger that realism is wrong in quantum mechanics, but when I asked him whether he now believes in the theory, he answered only "no" before demurring, "I'm in a small minority with that point of view and I wouldn't stake my life on it." For Leggett there are still enough loopholes to disbelieve. I asked him what could finally change his mind about quantum mechanics. Without hesitation, he said sending humans into space as detectors to test the theory. In space there is enough distance to exclude communication between the detectors (humans), and the lack of other particles should allow most entangled photons to reach the detectors unimpeded. Plus, each person can decide independently which photon polarizations to measure. If Leggett's model were contradicted in space, he might believe. When I mentioned this to Prof. Zeilinger he said, "That will happen someday. There is no doubt in my mind. It is just a question of technology." Alessandro Fedrizzi had already shown me a prototype of a realism experiment he is hoping to send up in a satellite. It's a heavy, metallic slab the size of a dinner plate.</p>

<p class="insetImage">
<img alt="" src="/news/uploads/16reality3682.jpg" />
<span>Brucker stands between two other theorists: Johannes Kofler (left) and Tomasz Paterek. <i>Photograph by Mark Mahaney.</i></span>
</p>

<p><b>On markus aspelmeyer's desk</b> there are three tall empty boxes of Veuve Clicquot. Experimentalists at the IQOQI receive champagne for exceptional results, and on one of the boxes are written congratulations for Markus's initiation of the realism test. ˇCaslav Brukner, who helped with the theory, keeps a squat box of Chinese plum wine on his desk facing Markus's. When I asked about the wine, thinking it the theorists' complementary tradition, he laughed and said he just needed a counterbalance. Brukner has an easy manner and has been with Zeilinger's group almost continuously since arriving in Austria in 1991 after leaving then Yugoslavia.</p>

<p>Last year Brukner and his student Johannes Kofler decided to figure out why we do not perceive the quantum phenomena around us. If quantum mechanics holds universally for atoms, why do we not see directly its effects in bulk?</p>

<p>Most physicists believe that quantum effects get washed out when there are a large number of particles around. The particles are in constant interaction and their environment serves to "decohere" the quantum world&mdash;eliminate superpositions&mdash;to create the classical one we observe. Quantum mechanics has within it its own demise, and the process is too rapid to ever see. Zeilinger's group, which has tested decoherence, does not believe there is a fundamental limit on the size of an object to observe superposition. Superpositions should exist even for objects we see, similar to the infamous example of Schr&ouml;dinger's cat. In fact, Gr&ouml;blacher now spends his nights testing larger-scale quantum mechanics in which a small mirror is humanely substituted for a cat.</p>

<p>Brukner and Kofler had a simple idea. They wanted to find out what would happen if they assumed that a reality similar to the one we experience is true&mdash;every large object has only one value for each measurable property that does not change. In other words, you know your couch is blue, and you don't expect to be able to alter it just by looking. This form of realism, "macrorealism," was first posited by Leggett in the 1980s.</p>

<p>Late last year Brukner and Kofler showed that it does not matter how many particles are around, or how large an object is, quantum mechanics always holds true. The reason we see our world as we do is because of what we use to observe it. The human body is a just barely adequate measuring device. Quantum mechanics does not always wash itself out, but to observe its effects for larger and larger objects we would need more and more accurate measurement devices. We just do not have the sensitivity to observe the quantum effects around us. In essence we do create the classical world we perceive, and as Brukner said, "There could be other classical worlds completely<br />
different from ours."</p>

<p>Zeilinger and his group have only just begun to consider the grand implications of all their work for reality and our world. Like others in their field, they had focused on entanglement and decoherence to construct our future information technology, such as quantum computers, and not for understanding reality. But the group's work on these kinds of applications pushed up against quantum mechanics' foundations. To repeat a famous dictum, "All information is physical." How we get information from our world depends on how it is encoded. Quantum mechanics encodes information, and how we obtain this through measurement is how we study and construct our world.</p>

<p>I asked Dr. Zeilinger about this as I was about to leave his office. "In the history of physics, we have learned that there are distinctions that we really should not make, such as between space and time... It could very well be that the distinction we make between information and reality is wrong. This is not saying that everything is just information. But it is saying that we need a new concept that encompasses or includes both." Zeilinger smiled as he finished: "I throw this out as a challenge to our philosophy friends."</p>

<p>A few weeks later I was looking around on the IQOQI website when I noticed a job posting for a one-year fellowship at the institute. They were looking for a philosopher to collaborate with the group.<br />
</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>A Proliferation of Mistakes?</title>
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    <published>2008-05-27T16:09:50Z</published>
    <updated>2008-05-27T16:14:42Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Experts begin to rethink US efforts to keep nukes in friendly hands.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Maggie Wittlin</name>
        
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<p>The image of the idle Russian scientist, desperate for cash and teeming with nuclear know-how, has haunted American foreign policymakers since the fall of the Soviet Union. Seeking to keep idle hands from the devil's work, in 1994 the US Department of Energy began bankrolling dozens of scientific institutes throughout the former Soviet Union. A crisis was apparently averted, and the seemingly successful programs have continued through today. But a January 2008 report by the Government Accountability Office (GAO) revealed that two of the Russian institutes receiving US funds had shipped nuclear equipment to a reactor in Iran. The revelation that a nonproliferation program may in fact have abetted nuclear proliferation prompted calls on Capitol Hill to pull the plug.</p>

<p>To supporters of anti-proliferation efforts, funding Russian research is the foreign-policy equivalent of handing a schoolyard bully crayons and coloring books: Keeping him busy is meant to keep him out of trouble. The program that the GAO reviewed, called the Initiatives for Proliferation Prevention (IPP), took that idea a step further, asking the bullies to draw like Marc Chagall. Matching US companies up with underemployed ex-Soviet scientists was meant to spur technological innovation. Brian Finlay, codirector of the Henry L. Stimson Center's Cooperative Nonproliferation Program, says the Russian approach to science differs significantly from the West's: "There is a wealth of innovation we can capitalize on." Every year there are more businesses in line than there is IPP money to fund them. And handing out crayons can turn a bully into something of a teacher's pet. "We're finding things out," says Matthew Bunn, of Harvard University's Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. "It's greatly underappreciated how much we have learned from these kinds of programs about what goes on in Russian institutions." For example, when a delegation of Iranian nuclear scientists visits their Russian counterparts, the US intelligence community learns about it.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Nevertheless, the GAO has uncovered a number of problems. There are the suspicions that the IPP's funds are subsidizing Iran's nuclear program. Although Bunn discounts as "utter nonsense" the notion that the program has had any impact on Iran's nuclear program&mdash;the reactor in question, Bushehr, constitutes a multibillion-dollar project, compared with a $20 million US program&mdash;giving any support to Iran could have violated US law.</p>

<p>Furthermore, the average Russian physicist hasn't proved to be much of a bully, leading the GAO to argue that the IPP program has outlived its usefulness. Russia is no longer struggling as it was after the Soviet Union collapsed; it can fund its research centers on its own. Plus, as the GAO report noted, the IPP&mdash;unlike similar programs in the Department of State&mdash;has no method to "graduate" institutes from the program, lacks adequate oversight, and often funds scientists that have had nothing to do with weapons programs. According to the GAO, even the heads of ex Soviet weapons institutions are questioning what anti-proliferation purpose the IPP serves. Lastly, the GAO complained that the program has begun unauthorized projects in Libya and Iraq.</p>

<p>Of course, that might be the smart move: Andrew Grotto, of the Center for American Progress, argues that the future of anti-proliferation efforts lies elsewhere. "I would want to look at other countries," he says. Even though Soviet scientists had a higher level of expertise than those in Libya or Iraq, who languished under UN sanctions in the 1990s, Grotto is not convinced the Soviet-oriented IPP program "gives us enough bang for our buck." Potential proliferators of weapons technology, after all, are hardly limited to the former USSR. Across the developing world, there are hordes of scientists and engineers with nothing but time on their hands and skills to sell. Chances are good the next A.Q. Khan will not be Russian. <br />
</p>]]>
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<entry>
    <title>Distant Mirrors</title>
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    <published>2008-05-21T12:03:55Z</published>
    <updated>2008-05-27T15:32:19Z</updated>
    
    <summary>To find life on other worlds requires thinking about how other life would find us.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Maggie Wittlin</name>
        
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<span><b>Fertile Crescent</b> In November 2007, the ESA's Rosetta spacecraft flew by the Earth en route to a deep space rendezvous with a comet. In this composite image captured from 75,000 kilometers away, sunlight shines on Antarctica's interior, and lights from human settlements reveal a slumbering Eurasia. <i>Photos courtesy of ESA &copy;2005 MPS for OSIRIS TEAM MPS/UPD/LAM/IAA/RSSD/INTA/UPM/DASP/IDA.</i></span>
</p>

<p><b>Some time ago,</b> in the outskirts of a typical spiral galaxy, a wandering spacecraft encountered a promising world. The azure planet orbited third from its yellow star, at just the right distance to allow liquid water at its surface. As the probe approached, gaps in the clouds far below revealed continents scattered amidst a world-girdling ocean. In a vast cosmic desert, this was an oasis. The probe sampled the atmosphere, finding abundant oxygen and traces of methane. Chemistry dictates that the two reactive gases could never coexist for long; something was replenishing them. Analyzing starlight reflected off the land, it saw regions absorbing light at wavelengths corresponding to no known non-biological process. Perhaps this was vegetation. The spacecraft also detected powerful, modulated radio emissions from the surface&mdash;almost certainly a sign of substantial technology. There was life on this planet, and at least some of it seemed intelligent. The date was December 8, 1990, and the spacecraft was the Jupiter-bound Galileo probe. The planet, of course, was Earth. For the first time, scientists had proved Earth's biosphere could be clearly detected from space.</p>

<p>In principle, the only limits in our quest to find extraterrestrial life are the size of the observable universe and our imagination. Beyond sheer luck, any chance of success depends upon how we shape our search. Realizing this, the visionary astronomer Carl Sagan conceived the Galileo observations of Earth with the simple premise that we'd have better chances if we could first demonstrate that we could detect life on our own planet from space. When the Galileo probe successfully identified life here, it proved Sagan's point that we can best seek that which we know how to find&mdash;planets like ours, life like us. </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Since then, an astronomical revolution has unfolded. Beginning with the first detections in 1995, astronomers have discovered nearly 300 extrasolar planets, or exoplanets, orbiting other stars. We've found most of them by detecting the subtle orbital wobble their masses induce upon their parent stars. Others have revealed themselves as transient shadows crossing the faces of their suns. A handful has been discovered by more exotic means. Out of all those we've found, however, not one could harbor life as we know it. None are remotely like Earth, perhaps because we just haven't had the skills to find those that are. Until now. Several recent groundbreaking studies have demonstrated that we can not only detect Earth-size, potentially Earth-like exoplanets, but also explore them from afar. Everyone now living stands at the precipice of what may be the most profound moment in history: The day we discover we are not alone.</p>

<p><b>Galileo's flyby</b> wasn't the first time Sagan studied the Earth at a distance. Ten months prior, he had orchestrated an observation by the Voyager 1 spacecraft. To cap its epic journey through the solar system, Voyager 1's controllers swiveled its telescope toward the Sun and captured an incredible, humbling image: our Earth, a pale blue dot glimmering against the void, more than six billion kilometers distant. Reflecting on the image, Sagan wrote that although the color indicated the presence of clement oceans and clouds, he doubted an alien observer could deduce as much about our world from so far away. Our planet seemed too small, too dim, too lost in the radiance of the Sun. Had he lived longer, however, he would surely have changed his mind. Several space telescopes have been designed (but not yet built) that could nullify a star's glare, allowing us to see light reflected by its orbiting planets. It's not that those telescopes would produce images of stunning new clarity; at best, their images will span a single pixel. But like William Blake, who wrote of worlds contained in grains of sand, astronomers will perceive entire planets within them.</p>

<p>The proof is close to home, as nearby as the Moon. When the Moon appears as a thin crescent, its darkened portion isn't really dark at all, but shines with a dim, greenish shimmer. Called earthshine, that light comes to us third hand, having gone from Sun to Earth to Moon and back to Earth again. Earthshine may not seem like the light Voyager 1 captured, but it is. In both earthshine's green glow and our planet's pale blue, the light fluctuates in brightness and in color. Hidden within those wavering hues, a wealth of information about our planet awaits discovery. Our own astronomers have already found evidence of Earth's vegetation, atmosphere, and ocean by their ashen reflection in the mirroring Moon. What might other, more distant eyes see?</p>

<p>Observed at astronomical distances, Earth varies in brightness more than any other planet in our solar system. This is because of our planet's variegated surface: clouds, ice, snow, and sand reflect more light, while forests, grasslands, and seas reflect less. Oceans are generally dark, but in some circumstances, water (or any other liquid, for that matter) behaves like a mirror&mdash;something familiar to anyone who has been dazzled by the glare of a sunlit sea. Darren Williams of Penn State Erie, and Peter McCullough independently at the Space Telescope Science Institute, realized that on cosmic scales, a properly aligned observer would see Earth's brightness more than double as sunlight fell directly upon portions of our global ocean, then dim again as continents came into view. This would hint at the size of our seas and the spread of our continents. Sara Seager of MIT and Eric Ford of the University of Florida, along with their collaborators, found that over time, Earth's periodic fluctuations in brightness would reveal the length of its days and the cycles of its seasons. The brightness that a distant observer sees would tell only one part of Earth's story. The color of the light would reveal much of the rest.</p>

<p>Every substance&mdash;each gas in the atmosphere, each mineral on the ground, each pigment in every organism&mdash;leaves a unique fingerprint on the light it emits, absorbs, and reflects. Any observers seeing those beams of light, so long as they know as much about chemistry as we do, would be able to isolate those fingerprints by examining our planet's color. If we can assume that they, like us, seek oxygen-fueled beings of water and carbon, they may very well take the same steps our astronomers would when (and if) an Earth-like planet is found. First they'd look for signs of water, which may be a universal requirement for life. Then they'd search for ozone, which is much easier to detect than its chemical kin, oxygen. The presence of ozone requires the presence of oxygen; to find the former is to find a planet rich in the latter&mdash;that is, a planet on which we could breathe. Oxygen itself is so chemically reactive that for it to saturate an atmosphere requires constant renewal, most likely by life. They might also search for life's other detectable traces, compounds like methane and nitrous oxide.</p>

<p>For the past 2 billion years, our planet has displayed chemical signals of life to the stars; these spectral calling cards long ago washed over the entire Milky Way and spread even now, echoing through intergalactic space, visible to anyone who cares to look. But perhaps it's premature to speculate on who or what may watch our planet and the things they might discern. After all, there's no proof that life exists beyond Earth. But it is not too early to consider what we ourselves will find. The first terrestrial exoplanets we scrutinize will likely confuse us, as they'll represent outcomes of planetary evolution that we've scarcely imagined. We'll develop a census of worlds: ocean planets, desert planets, planets eternally shrouded in clouds or suffocated in airless desolation, planets locked in ice or consumed by fire, planets where life's flame is freshly kindled, and planets where it sputters near death. We will see that cosmic destruction sows the seeds of creation. Exploding suns spark the formation of new solar systems and spread the building blocks of biology; planetary mass extinctions create new ecological niches for the evolution of further forms of life. Viewing other worlds, we will learn just how cruel or kind Mother Nature really is. Whatever we discover, the implications will surely stagger us.</p>

<p><b>Consider the Copernican</b> principle, the idea that there's nothing special about our position in the universe. We may find that our ill-informed ancestors who placed our planet and ourselves atop a cosmic pedestal were, in fact, right. Maybe we'll find that there's nothing alive out there at all. Even if our galaxy were teeming with life, it could be that nothing more complex than a microbe exists. It may be that, for intelligence to emerge from primal chaos, life must pass through the eyes of so many needles that the entire universe now lies fallow.</p>

<p>Or maybe we're special only for the brief period of time in which we humans exist. There may be many circumstances in which intelligence can be born, but each particular instance could be so short-lived that by the time another emerges that could make contact, the previous group is already gone. Across our skies we may find dead worlds, graveyards of civilizations fallen silent beneath the weight of time. If in all our searching we discover life everywhere but never anyone else to talk to, it will be both a blessing and a curse. The entire galaxy could be ours to use as we wish if we reach the stars, but some unspeakable, universal catastrophe may loom in our future that has claimed all cosmic cultures that came before and will annihilate all those yet to exist.</p>

<p>It's conceivable, too, that our observations will eventually reveal a civilization in its death throes. Imagine witnessing a planet's light fade beneath gray radioactive soot from a global thermonuclear war, or its color changing as levels of atmospheric carbon dioxide and chlorofluorocarbons soared and its ice caps and protective ozone layer disappeared. We wouldn't know for certain what lived there, but we'd know its survival just got a lot tougher. Whether this would cause us to change how we live on our world is another matter.</p>

<p>Throughout history, our knowledge has grown through human ambition and curiosity, only to regress beneath human apathy and caprice. The greatest obstacle to efforts to find another Earth, to discover life elsewhere in the universe, isn't some flaw in our methodology or our technology, but in our will. Most of us alive today are unlikely to see these efforts bear their fullest fruit. Even optimistic young astronomers are uncertain that they will see the light from other living worlds in their careers, or even their lifetimes. But they work as though they will. Whether they see it personally doesn't matter; what matters is that these other planets be seen someday. In preparation for that day, they continue to send modern-day robotic voyagers, like NASA's EPOXI spacecraft, to gaze at our own planet from deep space, while still searching, as EPOXI also does, for planets elsewhere. </p>

<p>This is only the beginning of our understanding of the living cosmos, and our place in it. Though we and our planet are truly the best examples we have to guide our search for cosmic context and meaning, it is delusion to pretend any of us look at ourselves, or the stars, dispassionately. Just as pragmatism shapes our search, so too do pride, loneliness, vanity, and fear; we don't merely seek the familiar&mdash;we ache for it. Our fervent desire to find in that great darkness someplace like home will sculpt all we eventually see. And so, reason inseparable from emotion, we gaze outward to the cosmos, hoping to behold our reflections in some distant mirror. </p>

<p class="insetImage wide">
<img alt="" src="/news/uploads/16space563.jpg" />
<span><b>Glint in Darwin's Eye</b> Taken by NASA's Mercury-bound spacecraft during a 2005 flyby, these images are stills from a movie capturing a complete 24-hour rotation of the Earth. The bright spot of light in each image is sunlight scattering off Earth's oceans. In the largest image, the Galapagos Islands can be seen through breaks in the clouds off the west coast of South America.<i> Photos courtesy of NASA/John's Hopkins University Applied Physics Laboratory/Carnegie Institute of Washington.</i></span>
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    </content>
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<entry>
    <title>Carnivores Like Us</title>
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    <published>2008-05-15T06:53:10Z</published>
    <updated>2008-05-15T15:05:02Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Humanity&apos;s rapidly increasing appetite for meat is fast becoming a matter of global consequence. Paul Roberts on the science, and morality, of our planet&apos;s modern palate.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Maggie Wittlin</name>
        
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<span><i>Photograph by &copy; Corbis/Fran&aacute;oise Gervais</i></span>
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<p><b>It's a quiet sunday morning</b> when we roll into Weifang city, in China's Shandong province, to interview local food producers, but our hosts are unperturbed. The export scandals are still months away, and the government is happy to show Western journalists the glories of China's rapidly evolving food system. Within an hour, my interpreter and I are being escorted through the city's newest showcase&mdash;a duck-processing plant where a shift of workers had been brought in and several thousand ducks dispatched&mdash;so that I can witness China's most recent great step forward. And it <i>is</i> impressive. In huge, spotless rooms, rows of workers in clean-suits and hairnets are swiftly and methodically disassembling birds on a mechanical conveyor at a rate of 3,100 an hour. By tomorrow, these ducks will be bound for supermarkets in Beijing, to be snapped up by upscale shoppers as quickly as they can be put in the meat case.</p>

<p>China's new meat proficiency goes beyond duck. Under the potent combination of industrialization, meat science, and rising wealth, meat production here is soaring&mdash;and so is consumption. Per capita intake of poultry, pork, fish, and even beef has more than tripled since 1970&mdash;a radical change in a nation long thought to have an almost philosophical preference for veggies over meat. "The Chinese have always regarded animal foods as better" than vegetables or grains, assures Yang Xiao Guang, of the China Nutrition Association. "We just had no money to buy them."</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>The consequences of China's new carnivorism have been enormous. Thanks in part to the meatier diet, the number of people suffering physical stunting has fallen from three in 10 in 1980 to half as many today. But because meat is so calorie-dense, rising consumption is contributing to an obesity epidemic that afflicts 100 million Chinese. The production process has itself brought a slew of complications. Rivers of sewage from China's new "concentrated animal feeding operations," or CAFOs, overwhelm local treatment facilities. Public health experts are increasingly worried about avian flu, whose epicenter is Asian poultry. And because factory-raised livestock need so much feed&mdash;it takes 4.5 kilograms of feed to make a kilogram of poultry meat and 20 kilograms of feed to make a kilogram of beef&mdash;China's yen for meat is jacking up grain prices globally. In fact, because Chinese farmland is already so scarce, and because decades of industrialized agricultural have unleashed huge ecological problems (from chemical runoff to groundwater depletion), China has turned increasingly to imported feed&mdash;effectively pushing the "external" costs of its meat revolution onto farms in the United States, Argentina, and elsewhere.</p>

<p>And this is just the beginning. By 2030, China's per capita meat consumption is expected to hit 50 kilograms, equal to neighboring Taiwan. Granted, that's still barely half the levels projected in wealthy nations like the United States, but because China will have 1.6 billion consumers by then, the impact of this relatively modest increase will be extraordinary. Even now, China's meat mania is implicated in everything from deforestation in Brazil to food-price inflation in Africa, and most resources specialists expect that this nutritional domino effect will only intensify. "I cannot imagine what the world will look like when China is as wealthy as Taiwan," Tian Weiming, one of China's top food security experts, told me. "It will be <i>very</i> different."</p>

<p><b>In crucial ways, China's</b> meat revolution offers a preview of one of humankind's most complex resource challenges. Over the next half century, global food demand, especially for meat, will rise dramatically&mdash;because population is rising and because most of the roughly 4 billion newcomers will be in the developing world, which is still catching up with Western dietary practices. By 2050, according to the United Nations' Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), worldwide meat consumption will reach nearly half a billion tons a year, more than twice the current level. And yet, no one has any idea how, or even if, the world can support that volume. Quite aside from issues of obesity or sewage, world farmers would need to grow another one billion tons of feed each year by mid-century&mdash;and this from an agricultural system already staggering under the impacts of declining acreage, water scarcity, climate change, and soaring energy costs. To be sure, all food production, like all economic activity, affects the natural systems on which life ultimately depends. But because meat represents such a concentrated use of resources, it has now forced a debate over the future of food&mdash;a debate that is beginning to reveal the flaws in an economic model premised on endless growth.</p>

<p>In a strange way, such bleak forecasts bring a welcome clarity to a discussion long confined to the margins of society. For decades, anyone who argued that humans should be eating less meat, or none at all, did so largely on moral grounds such as animal rights, or for religious reasons&mdash;arguments that the rest of society was free to ignore. True, one could make a science-based case for eating less meat, especially the fatty meat that comes from grain-fed livestock. Yet if people wanted to clog their arteries, the damage came at one's own expense. Now the idea that meat-eating is purely an individual choice, and the costs affect only the individual, has been blown wide open. Just as chuffing on Marlboros or driving a gas-guzzling SUV&mdash;as Michael Specter recently put it&mdash;have become the modern day equivalent of wearing a scarlet letter, so too has meat-eating graduated from the category of lifestyle choice to that of collective responsibility.</p>

<p>What's more, it's clear that the question of how much meat we can or should eat cannot be resolved without a more global scientific approach. As we have with cigarette smoking and automobile preference&mdash;things that were once regarded as personal choices but whose societal costs are now precisely quantified&mdash;we now need to use science to essentially recalibrate our moral compasses when it comes to meat. What are meat's true "external" costs? How much meat can we sustainably produce, in the context of a warming climate and dwindling resources? And how rapidly does our meatcentric food economy need to change? These aren't easy questions. But just as science has shed light on other complex lifestyle issues, it must now offer a new and more pragmatic vision for the future of meat.</p>

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<img alt="" src="/news/uploads/16meat368.jpg" />
<span><b>Prosciutto Promenade</b> Hams hanging in the Langhirano cellars of Parma, Italy. In the spring, cellars open to let in the Apennine mountain air to cure the meat. Langhirano produces over 130,000 hams annually. <i>Photograph by Benoit Decout/Rea/Redux&copy;</i></span>
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<p><b>If science has shown us</b> why we should be eating less meat, science has also shown why most of us will fight like hell to keep eating it: Humans <i>love</i> meat. Although scientists have found little evidence of a hard-wired craving for the specific taste of animal foods (other than an inclination toward fats), we do know that meat has played a central role in human evolution and that its presence in the human diet has had an extraordinary impact on everything from brain size to energy levels.</p>

<p>We know, for example, that around 3 million years ago, climate change forced a largely vegetarian ancestor, <i>Australopithecus</i>, to move from the forest to the open savannah, which offered fewer plant foods, but more prey. We know that our ancestors adapted&mdash;first by scavenging and later by hunting, and that by 500,000 years ago, a more recent ancestor, <i>Homo erectus</i>, was getting nearly two-thirds of her calories from meat. </p>

<p>Initially, this dietary shift to meat was purely pragmatic: All creatures adopt feeding strategies that yield the most calories for the least effort, and meat, which is more energy-dense and easier to digest than plants, was probably the most expeditious way for our ancestors to cope with the loss of their old herbivorous menu. But meat did more than just replace plant calories. Because meat offers more caloric bang for the buck than plants do, our ancestors could consume more calories more easily. These were better calories too, that converted more readily than those from plants into human protein&mdash;which meant that our ancestors' rising meat intake was paralleled by an increase in body size. Whereas <i>Australopithecus</i> was just four feet tall, <i>Erectus</i> stood six feet and was much stronger. Also, <i>Erectus</i>' skull was a third larger, and its brain vastly more developed&mdash;an adaptation, according most experts, also related to the meatier diet: Brains thrive on the long chain fatty acids, Omega 3 and Omega 6, that are abundant in animal fats and soft tissues.</p>

<p>Meat provided other evolutionary advantages. The brain is what's known as "expensive tissue," requiring many calories to fuel all the neurochemical activity. Bigger brains, not surprisingly, need more fuel, which is why in most species a big brain correlates with a big body that houses a large gut. But humans were different. In the millions of years between <i>Australopithecus</i> and <i>Erectus</i>, our brain size nearly tripled, yet our body size barely doubled, meaning we were somehow feeding a massive brain with a relatively small set of body organs. How? The answer, again, was likely meat. As our ancestors ate more meat and fewer plants, over time their guts shrank to about 60 percent the size of that in other primates&mdash;a critical development, as digestive systems themselves consume lots of calories, and having a smaller gut meant more available nutrition for our larger brains.</p>

<p>This is not a claim for dietary determinism: Meat didn't "make" us human. Many factors, interacting in complex ways, spurred changes in our ancestors' physiology that ultimately produced modern humans. But it's also clear that without more animal foods, our bodies and brains couldn't have gotten larger. And without those bigger bodies and brains, we couldn't have become the intelligent, tool-using, highly effective hunters who were able to spread so quickly from Africa to the Middle East, Asia, and finally Europe. Even though humans are no longer under such intense evolutionary pressure, meat's historic role in our development suggests that our modern cravings are more complex than many of us realize, and may well be much harder to curb.</p>

<p><b>Interestingly, even as science</b> has revealed how necessary meat was in our past, science has also shown how dispensable meat is today. A full-grown, active man could thrive for a month on what the typical American eats in a week&mdash;or on no meat at all, as millions of vegetarians prove every day. Indeed, nearly 100 years ago, government researchers in the then-new field of nutrition discovered not only what it is about meat that the body needs&mdash;protein, for example, and micronutrients such B-12&mdash;but also how most of those beneficial components can be obtained elsewhere. Today we know that certain food combinations, like rice and beans, will provide the same complement of amino acids as are found in meat, and that the soybean, a Chinese transplant, contains a complement of proteins nearly as complete as an animal variant.</p>

<p class="insetImage">
<img alt="" src="/news/uploads/16meat368b.jpg" />
<span><b>Chopping Block</b> Workers trim slabs of pork on a conveyor line in this Swift & Company butchery and meatpacking plant in Marshalltown, Iowa. <i>Photograph by Sally Ryan/The New York Times/Redux&copy;</i></span>
</p>

<p>But we've also learned just how challenging it will be to shift our dietary trajectory. As consumer incomes rise across much of the world, people are buying more of the things they like, and meat is near the top of the list. We've learned that, historically, vegetarian diets had less to do with health or spiritualism than with economics: In nearly every country where meat consumption was low (even in countries such as China, where some Buddhist practices encouraged vegetarianism), per capita intake has paralleled economic development.</p>

<p>Some of this is a simple reflection of rising purchasing power&mdash;a wealthier population buys more of everything. But rising intake reflects another, deeper change: Many of the scientific breakthroughs that elevated our understanding of meat also enabled us to make meat in vastly greater volumes, and for a fraction of the historical costs. Decades of innovation in the field of "meat science" has given us livestock breeds that grow faster, larger, and more uniformly. Parallel developments in farm science&mdash;such as synthetic fertilizers and pesticides, mechanized equipment, and fast-growing, high-yielding grains, especially&mdash;means we can generate oceans of cheap corn, soybeans, and other feed grains. Such feed not only fattens livestock faster than pasture or forage does, but allows the animals, fortified with antibiotics, to be raised in huge, factory-like farms.</p>

<p>Today, in much of the developed world, every phase of the once-decentralized meat business&mdash;from calving to feedlots to slaughtering plants&mdash;has been integrated into massive and efficient supply chains. In all but the poorest countries, science, technology, and new management systems have allowed us to transcend long-standing limits on meat. Even in traditionally vegetarian societies like India and China, meat intake is increasingly aligned less with culture or philosophy than with how many hours one works each week, or how close one lives to the supermarket. As Yang from the China Nutrition Association puts it, after centuries in which meat consumption was essentially limited by poverty and lack of technology, China's consumers find themselves in a world "with no limits."</p>

<p>Of course, our breaching of those limits was largely an illusion. As we've mastered the traditional economic and technological constraints on meat production and consumption, we've found new costs&mdash;from obesity, land scarcity, and declining water tables to soaring energy costs and shifting climate&mdash;that, if included in the price of the meat we eat, would completely undermine the idea that meat is cheap. </p>

<p>Already more than 8 percent of the world's entire water supply is devoted to livestock production, and more than one-third of the world's farmland is devoted to growing animal feed. The livestock sector is the largest source of water pollution&mdash;a slurry of animal wastes, antibiotics, hormones, fertilizers, and pesticides; fully half of all nitrogen and phosphorous contamination in the world's water comes from the animal farm chain. Once a major proponent of a global meat economy, the FAO now calls the meat industry "one of the major causes of the world's most pressing environmental problems."</p>

<p>Even the global meat industry (and its supporters in government) quietly acknowledge that the business must change, although insisting that the existing high-volume, low-cost model can be preserved by making it lower-impact, safer, and more efficient. Many environmentalists and public policy advocates believe the changes must be deeper, and more systemic, and that they must be driven either from the very top, by way of tough new government regulation, or, preferably, from the very bottom, from consumers themselves. That may not be far-fetched: As media stories about sewage problems, <i>E. coli</i> outbreaks, antibiotic-resistant bacteria, and animal cruelty have surged, concerned consumers have begun to demand changes in the way meat is made.</p>

<p class="insetImage">
<img alt="" src="/news/uploads/16meat368a.jpg" />
<span><b>Supermarket Sweep</b> In February 2008, the US Department of Agriculture ordered the largest meat recall in its history&mdash;64.8 million kilograms of beef&mdash;because two companies, Westland Meat and Hallmark Meat Packing, allowed ailing animals into the US food supply. <i>Photograph by Andersen Ross/VEER&copy;</i></span>
</p>

<p><b>Yet for all the calls for</b> revolution, there is little consensus among advocates as to what this new meat economy would look like. For example, many who approach meat from a largely ethical standpoint, such as animal rights, argue for a completely meat-free culture; others accept some level of meat-eating as long as the animals are produced using "free range" or other humane methods. Among consumers motivated by health concerns, meat eating may be acceptable as long as livestock are fed organic grains or better yet, are raised on grass. The eco-friendly consumers, meanwhile, might tolerate a steak as long as the cow was raised on a carefully rotated pasture (to avoid erosion and over-grazing), or on a local ranch, thus reducing the "food miles" traveled and the associated carbon emissions. And yet, for all the awareness, and despite the eagerness of the food industry to exploit these concerns with a full range of "correct" meats (organic, cruelty-free, local, even soy-based), the result has been a confusing cacophony of choices whose benefits&mdash;to health, to the animals, to the planet&mdash;are hard to discern. Is, say, a Tofurky burger made from organic soybeans grown in Argentina really that much better? Is it still ethical, even, to eat grass-fed beef when the worldwide supply of sustainable pastureland is so small that only the rich can afford it?</p>

<p>What becomes clear is that when it comes to the future of meat, the debate itself also needs to evolve&mdash;from today's fragmented and heavily politicized shouting match to a conversation that is at least informed by a scientific framework. In short, the discipline of "meat science," traditionally focused on generating the most meat for the least cost, must organize itself around a fundamentally different set of questions. How much meat can the world sustainably produce? How little meat do humans actually need? And are there ways to produce meat, or meat protein, or protein with similar biochemical characteristics, without such high external costs?</p>

<p>Such questions are far from settled&mdash;and indeed, a great many critics of the modern food system refuse to trust the scientific methods that spawned many of the current problems in the first place. Yet amidst the debate, a great deal of research into methods for understanding, and reducing, meat's external costs is now underway.</p>

<p>For example, in addition to the now familiar concept of "carbon footprint"&mdash;a product's complex tally of all greenhouse gas emissions incurred from source to sink&mdash;we've now added an analogous "water footprint." We've begun to pay more heed to the relationship between food and fuel: As we've seen most recently in the case of ethanol and biodiesel, growing more corn and soy for "clean" energy has displaced food agriculture into places like Brazil and Indonesia, where the costs of increased farm acreage&mdash;both in terms of carbon emissions and biodiversity&mdash;are so enormous that they threaten to tank the entire industry. With this more complex ecological calculus, science is slowly gaining an ability to quantify just how costly our foods really are&mdash;and how the proposed alternatives stack up. Seldom, we're learning, are the answers clear-cut.</p>

<p>When the answers are evident, they're often are unsettling. Because of meat's high inputs, many proposals for sustainable food production call for reductions in meat intake that would stun most consumers. To reduce the ecological damage caused by runoff nitrogen, for instance, experts suggest using manures or planting cover crops such as legumes that naturally "fix" atmospheric nitrogen into the soil. But according to Tim Crews of Prescott College in Arizona and Mark Peoples of CSIRO Plant Industry in Australia, this approach would require converting half the nation's current feed grain acreage into nitrogen-fixing crops. And that would bring such a large drop in grain supplies that Americans would need to reduce their meat intake to roughly <i>one-eighth</i> the current level.</p>

<p>And yet, as dramatic as such reductions may seem, they're not out of line with the larger shift in thinking about meat. From a health standpoint, modern meat is often so fatty that the USDA and other health authorities are already recommending a serious reduction in intake&mdash;to just two to four ounces of lean meat a day, or from a quarter to a half of what most of us now eat. </p>

<p>Further, even as our traditional livestock sector may need to shrink to protect the environment, we're learning how to produce high-quality protein in ways that don't kill the planet. Eating soy products directly, instead of running the beans through livestock, would dramatically reduce the acreage required to feed the world. Nor must we stick to land: Farmed salmon, for example, not only contains more protein per gram than most terrestrial animals, but is far cheaper to raise, requiring about 1.4 kilograms of feed per kilogram of edible weight, or three times better than chicken. To be sure, the way most fish farming is practiced today is an environmental disaster: The large near-shore operations can generate as much sewage as a small city and the fish are heavily dosed with antibiotics and other additives. But newer methods, most notably, the large, deep-water fish pens, are much cleaner and could generate substantial volumes of high-quality protein.</p>

<p>We even have ways to make meat without livestock at all. Inspired by NASA research into solutions for long-term space travel, scientists are advancing with in vitro meat: Seeded on thin membranes or small three-dimensional beads, muscle tissue stem cells can be grown into animal-free beef, chicken, or pork. Scalability remains the major barrier to this avant-garde approach, but if implemented, it would simultaneously address environmental, food safety, and animal welfare concerns, if not those surrounding biotechnology. For people not quite ready to embrace cultured hamburger, there is always milk and eggs, which gram for gram yield more protein with less environmental impact than even chicken.</p>

<p>Clearly, these alternatives won't be an easy sell to a species that not only evolved on meat, but which still regards meat as a just reward for economic success. And yet, as the true economics of meat become apparent, it's clear that our ancient appetites will need to be balanced against modern limits, and that we won't be able to address other issues, like deforestation or climate change, without first addressing our relationship with meat. The bad news is that any attempts to transform our meat culture will raise the same kind of moral storm that surrounded such controversies as second-hand smoke and seatbelt laws. The good news is that we won't be arguing for change on moral grounds alone. As our scientific understanding of meat becomes more complete, we can point with increasing confidence not only to the costs of meat, but toward ways to reduce those costs&mdash;information that will not only make our arguments more persuasive, but will ensure that our vision for the future is more plausible. In the end, the same scientific methods that showed us just how important meat was in our species' spectacular rise must now help ensure that meat doesn't contribute to our fall.</p>

<p><i>Adapted from the forthcoming book </i>The End of Food<i> by Paul Roberts. Copyright &copy; 2008 by Paul Roberts. With permission of Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. All Rights Reserved.</i></p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Marc Hauser + Errol Morris</title>
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    <published>2008-05-13T04:56:16Z</published>
    <updated>2008-05-14T21:50:32Z</updated>
    
    <summary>The evolutionary psychologist and the documentary filmmaker discuss game theory, Stanley Milgram, and whether science can make us better people.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Maggie Wittlin</name>
        
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<p><i>Documentary filmmaker Errol Morris has made a career of trafficking in moral ambiguity and complexity. Evolutionary psychologist Marc Hauser has pioneered research into the idea of a universal morality grounded in biology. Hauser believes humans possess a moral grammar; Morris isn't so sure. The two met when Morris asked Hauser to be part of his short film for the 2007 Oscars. They kept in touch, exchanged ideas, and Hauser attended an early screening of </i>Standard Operating Procedure<i>, Morris's film about the abuse scandal at Abu Ghraib. Recently in Boston they debated game theory, Stanley Milgram, and whether science can make us better people.</i></p>

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<p><b>Errol Morris:</b> I'm not sure that I have any real grasp on morality at all, much less some universal idea of morality. I've thought a lot about what happened at Abu Ghraib, and maybe this shows just a fundamental deficiency on my part, but I've come away even more confused than when I started and more convinced that social science really hasn't grappled with these issues in a way that I find satisfactory.</p>

<p>It's fascinating that whenever we come up against something that is really complex, there is this very deep human need to find a simple explanation that can account for it. If it's something that's really bad, really wrong, people feel uneasy and want to figure out how to distance themselves from it; to tell themselves, "This doesn't concern me. This isn't about me. This is about somebody else, or some other group I don't belong to."</p>

<p><b>Marc Hauser:</b> Okay, but you left out a huge question: How do you know it's wrong?</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Yeah.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> How do you even know? How does the human mind know that something is wrong? And once it does, what does it do with that information? Those are deep questions. I mean they've occupied people for centuries.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Right. One of the stories that I tell in <i>S.O.P.</i> is about a suspected insurgent who's brought in by Navy SEALs, interrogated by the CIA, enters Abu Ghraib under his own power, leaves as a corpse on a gurney. So, who is responsible? Who should be blamed? And if they haven't been blamed and <i>are</i> responsible, why haven't they been blamed?</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Right.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> All of that really interests me.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Well, so, what science is doing is trying to distinguish two aspects of the question of how we think about the world. Because even this kind of violence, depending on whose side you're on, will be evaluated differently, right?</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Yes.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> So, when the Nazis got together to exterminate the Jews, from their perspective, wanton killing of Jews was not wrong. It was perfectly right because Jews were "the other." You map a distinction by recruiting the most powerful and violent emotions you can&mdash;disgust, hate. You call the other parasitic vermin to recruit the most incredible imagery. Once you do that, the emotions wreak havoc and you feel perfectly justified exterminating the other.</p>

<p>So this is where I think some the universality comes in. Say I tell a story about a violent episode but I don't say who's involved. I think you'll get everybody to agree what, or who, is wrong. If you create a moral dilemma and give no identifying information&mdash;you strip away any in-group, out-group distinction&mdash;you'll get lots of consensus on what's right or wrong. This is what we're finding. But, once you plug in the partiality of my group and your group, the entire dynamic changes. And that shows a powerful aspect of the mind.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Well, take the example of the Nazis.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Yes.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> This is a question that I still wonder about. They said it's okay to kill Jews: Jews represent a threat to our way of life, to our gene pool, to our values, and so on. They've justified their behavior completely. But, if you think it's okay, then why try to cover it up? Why try to conceal the fact that you're doing it? That becomes the really complex question. You quickly enter this hall of mirrors. You can say, well, they thought it was the right thing to do, but they knew others might not view their behavior that way and that they should therefore cover their tracks. But isn't that tantamount to saying that they knew it was wrong? It's a real question.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> It is a real question. But ultimately, I think it comes back to having a sense of your place in the world. You have a sense of what others will respond to in terms of your actions and, ultimately, that feeds back into your behavior. So I think you're right, both the covering up and the ability to go forward are two parts of the story.</p>

<p class="insetImage narrow">
<img alt="" src="/news/uploads/16salonEM180.jpg" />
<span>Errol Morris <i>Credit: Julian Dufort</i></span>
</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> There's a document that I've been really interested in. When the Russians entered Auschwitz in January 1945, the Germans attempted to destroy their records. But Auschwitz was so large that there was actually a building archive separate from the main Auschwitz archive that housed their construction documents. They forgot to destroy it. It was left completely intact.</p>

<p>There is a document in this archive. And written on it with red pencil are notations chastising the writer of the document for using a word for "gas chamber"&mdash;<i>vergasungskeller</i>. Essentially, the added notations tell the writer of the document: Don't use that word. You're not supposed to use that word. Don't use it ever again.</p>

<p>So, it tells me that there is an investment in hiding, in covering one's tracks.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> You seem surprised by that. What's surprising?</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> I wouldn't say that I'm exactly surprised by it but it made me think that morality is the combination of two things: "I'm sorry," and "I'm sorry I got caught." There are two things always operating. There's you, and then there's what the world thinks of you.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Yeah.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> If I do X, do I feel comfortable doing it? Do I feel comfortable doing X even though I know people will look at me with extreme disapproval?</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> I mean that's the categorical imperative, right? If you want to work through the world of rights and wrongs, imagine would you feel comfortable doing it yourself. And now imagine a world in which everybody would do what you just did and would you feel comfortable there? You universalize it.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> It's a little different. It's not the categorical imperative. It's saying that when I do anything, I have a picture of other people looking at me and possibly disapproving of my actions. Maybe I just want to be liked by people. I don't want people to think that I'm a bad person, or an evil person.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Right.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> I do things that may have nothing to do with who I am but a lot to do with how I want to be perceived by others.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Right. And there's the selfish gene view of this, which is that we evolved minds that always take into account the other because it's self-serving, right? I think about what others are going to respond to in terms of my actions because I want to make sure that I'm maximizing my own self-good. And then there's the group selection view, the idea that we act altruistically because it benefits our group.</p>

<p>There are these interesting experiential games that have been developed by economists, and the typical economics view is we're self maximizing, we're selfish, rational players.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Yeah.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> So you play these games, such as the ultimatum, where one individual starts off with a pot of money and can offer some proportion of this pot to an anonymous other. For example, let's say I start out with a pot of $10 and I'm told that if I make an offer to someone who I'll never see again, they'll get what I offer and I get what's left over. But if they reject my offer, no one gets anything.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Okay.</p>

<p class="insetImage narrow">
<img alt="" src="/news/uploads/16salonMH180.jpg" />
<span>Marc Hauser <i>Credit: Julian Dufort</i></span>
</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> This is a one-shot game. On the rational economics view, I should be giving you the smallest proportion of the pot possible. You should accept anything because something's better than nothing, right? But it turns out that most people offer about half, so about $5. And for people who offer less, usually in the range of $1 to $3, the recipient rejects. So there's some notion of fairness, which overrides the selfishness we expect. What would we think of ourselves if we offered so little? How would the recipient perceive that kind of offer? So this all plays into the view that the mind evolved with these regulatory mechanisms that counterbalance complete self-interest.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Yes. I've never been terribly interested in zero-sum games, non-zero-sum games, the game theoretic analysis of human behavior.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> What's the intuition, though?</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> The intuition? To make a crude generalization: In game theory you make a series of calculations. I need to appear generous or fair to ensure that the people around me will be more generous or fair. And so on and so forth. It assumes that people effectively <i>communicate</i> with each other.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Say more about that.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Well, very often it seems to me that in trying to analyze human behavior, people create these simplistic games or models that they feel will teach them something. But in real life, you're plunged into the middle of a confusing, uncertain nightmare.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Yeah.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> I'll give you an example from Abu Ghraib. One of the soldiers, Sabrina Harman, took pictures of a corpse of al-Jamadi, who was, for all intents and purposes, killed by the CIA. She took pictures of the corpse and pictures were taken of her next to the corpse.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Yeah.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> And in one of the pictures, she has her thumb up. People can't get beyond the thumb. Why? They think it tells us she is responsible for al-Jamadi's death. But she's not. The thumb hides the murder. </p>

<p>People look at the picture and make assumptions about what's going on in her head. And they're wrong. They've got it all wrong. And then they express various kinds of disapproval.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Right.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Anger, annoyance, horror. I don't think all of this can be easily analyzed in some kind of psychological model. I get caught up in how people interpret behavior to suit their own interests. How there's this very strange discontinuity between what actually goes on in the world and how the world is perceived; how we're endlessly misperceived by others and ourselves.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Right.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> People look at this and they want to know, "How can I explain these pictures? How can I put them into some model of human behavior? How can I square them with my understanding about how human beings act?"</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Yeah.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> And then they truck out various psychological theories. Theories which I suppose are based on experiment. And it seems to me that the experiments are both misunderstood and don't have the great generality attributed to them. The most obvious example is Philip Zimbardo. Another candidate for this kind of thing is Stanley Milgram. The experiments tell us: People do this bad stuff because people always do bad stuff in such circumstances. It has a kind of circularity.</p>

<p>I'm not sure what these experiments actually show. I'm not sure that they have any application to Abu Ghraib or any other bad situation I can imagine. They often seem to me to be an excuse for not thinking about stuff, for creating a set of blinders around the complexity of the human experience so that one doesn't have to look at it, rather than the other way around.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Right. So I think you've now hit on a true fact about human nature, which is that scientists are always trying to come up with experiments that can account for some significant proportion of variation. Unfortunately along the way we often have a tendency to think we're explaining more of the variation. What I often find happens&mdash;and it's happening right here, right now!&mdash;is that often when an account of some type of human behavior is brought forth to people not in the sciences, they'll come back and say but here's an example of where that doesn't work. And that's not playing the game quite fairly because the sciences are never going to give a complete explanation of every aspect of human behavior. But the hope is to find some common universal principle that accounts for a significant aspect of our behavior.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Sure.</p>

<p>SHOT IN THE ARM</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Now take the Milgram experiments. About a year ago, there was a study done that replicated Milgram's experiment. So you may think how is that possible? Aren't those now deemed unethical?</p>

<p>Well they are but we can do them if they're in virtual reality space. This group in London&mdash;led by Mel Slater&mdash;created the Milgram experiments in virtual reality. So you're the subject and while you're in the experiment, you're hooked up to skin conductance gizmos, which look at the sweatiness of your palms and heart rate and track how revved up you're getting.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Right.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> And what you find is that all of the factors that Milgram uncovered in his original experiment&mdash;how close you are to the individual, how much you've interacted with him before, how dominant the experimenter is in pushing you forward&mdash;all of those get mapped onto the physiological response of the subject in exactly the same way as they did in the original experiment. And they know it's not real. It's like, why do men look at <i>Playboy</i> or <i>Penthouse</i>? It's just a magazine. But the mind goes on automatic pilot in some cases, blind to reality. </p>

<p>So the interesting thing is that, of course, people know they're in a completely fake environment, it's virtual reality. And yet there are parts of the brain that don't get it. To use a term from cognitive science, there's a sense of encapsulation or insularity, so even though I know this is a visual illusion, I don't give a hoot.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> I don't care.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Right. And that says something very important about the moral domain because there are parts of the brain that are just going to see the world in a particular way independently of rich belief systems.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Right, but wait a second. Tell me what was immoral about the original Milgram experiments.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Oh, well, one thing that has changed since those early experiments is the kind of information that you owe to your subjects when you test them in an experimental setting. That is, there is now a much greater burden to inform subjects of what is likely to happen in the experiment, and some of the negative consequences that might ensue. In the Milgram experiments, the issue was that some people might experience considerable trauma from engaging with the shock device. Thus, there is a burden of informing subjects, right?</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> What specifically was immoral about the experiments for the subjects, though?</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Well, like in many psychological experiments, there was dishonesty. They didn't know that they were not shocking the individual. They were also, in some sense, coerced because the relationship between the experimenter and the subject was asymmetric. And those are the situations, which now, human subject committees are very sensitive to. You don't want to put people in a situation that forces them to do things that they knowingly don't want to do. You want people to have knowledge of both what they're going to do and the possible consequences of it.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> I look at it differently.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Yeah.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> For whatever reason. I always thought that the big no-no with the Milgram experiments was that the people who "failed" the experiments, the person who came in and gave the "supposed" heart patient horrifying electric shocks, was going to have to live with that for the rest of his life. You go in there, you take the Milgram test, as it were, and you fail. You flunk.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Right, right.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Instead of saying, "No I won't do it, that's wrong, that's unacceptable," you administer dreadful shocks to people. Then someone tells you what's going on. You may feel lied to, of course, betrayed by the experimenter. But you're still left wondering: Am I a Nazi? Am I a villain? Am I a killer? </p>

<p>I read this book about great experiments in psychology. It was written by Lauren Slater&mdash;and very controversial actually.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Oh yes. Right.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> And one of them, of course, was the Milgram experiment. They had sealed the records so you couldn't find out who passed, who failed; who eagerly administered electric shocks, who said, "No, I don't want to." She was able to locate the people who had failed the Milgram experiment and interview them. I thought it was really, really interesting. Did you read any of this stuff?</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> I didn't read it, no.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> One person who had failed said, "This was a really valuable experience. Now I see what I'm capable of."</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Right. Yes.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> I'll be on the lookout. I'll observe my own behavior more closely, more carefully. He talked about it as though he'd received an inoculation. He'd received the Milgram vaccine against genocide. And so I wondered, could there be the Milgram vaccine?</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Well, at some level that's what Anthony Burgess plays with in <i>A Clockwork Orange</i>, right?</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Maybe.</p>

<p>STACKING THE DECK</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Some of those behavioral therapies have had success, to varying degrees. You know there was a program on&mdash;my great source for knowledge of the world&mdash;MTV.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> It's probably a really good source.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Ha&mdash;right. It was a good source. It was a program on these intervention studies being done with kids who are juvenile delinquents who have been convicted of some fairly horrible crime and are then put into a prison where some of the more horrible convicts show them about the brutality of what it's like to be in a prison. Because a lot of these kids don't have any idea. And apparently these interventions are relatively successful, and with many of these kids they actually have a defeating effect.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Interesting you should mention this because there's a film called <i>Scared Straight</i>. It's one of the worst things I've ever seen. It may have gotten an Oscar for Best Documentary Feature.</p>

<p> It was the same idea. Kids who had committed various crimes were jailed with hardened criminals in a maximum-security prison. And, they're "scared straight."</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Right.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Well the movie was really, really bad. On the level of craft, I thought: This is just awful. Then someone wrote an article about it. The kids in this program had come from an upper middle class suburb where the recidivism rate is zero. So, now I thought: bad movie <i>and</i> really bad social science. If the recidivism rate is zero, then it really doesn't matter whether they are "scared straight" or not, they are going to "go straight" regardless. And then I thought: really bad morality: Is this how you want to ensure compliance in a society? By scaring people?</p>

<p>The Milgram inoculation is a little bit different. It's scaring people by giving them an example of what they're capable of. It's not by saying: I'm going to take a two-by-four to the side of your head. It's not <i>A Clockwork Orange</i>.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> See what was more interesting about the MTV version of the documentary was that they actually talked about the cases that did not work. And those cases&mdash;where going to the prisons and scaring the pulp out of the kids had no effect&mdash;were cases where macho, violent behavior was part of their culture. And if the kid went back and said, you know, "I'm cured," the kid had less of a chance of surviving. And so, in the same way that a Milgram-type inoculation will work for some people, a scared straight version will work for other people.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Okay.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> There was a study done a couple of years ago with a very, very large sample of boys; something like 500 boys who they'd tracked from a young age into their juvenile years. What they found was a gene with two modes of expression, so to speak. One mode expressed a high concentration of neurochemicals like serotonin and dopamine, chemistry linked to our impulsive behavior. The other mode expressed a low level of these chemicals.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Uh huh.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> Now here is the fascinating part. Among the sample of boys observed, there were some who led a wonderful childhood, had caring parents. A second category was subjected to mild levels of violence from their parents. And the third category received high and fairly abnormal levels of parental violence. When you look at the profiles of these children during their juvenile-teen years, you find a striking pattern. The boys with the high expressing form of the gene appeared to be buffered against parental violence, whereas the boys with the low expressing form weren't, and they showed far higher rates of juvenile delinquency.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Really?</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> So it's a beautiful, albeit sad, case of gene-environment interaction. Depending on the cards you get, and the environment you land in, you could either end up fine, because you are genetically buffered from the nasty environment thrown your way, or deeply injured by this environment because there are no genetic defenses. This shows the importance of looking at how genetic systems build bodies and minds that set up opportunities for the environment, opportunities to sculpt outcomes in particular directions.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Okay.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> I mean, it's this kind of genetic view that indicates why we're having this conversation, but dogs aren't, you know? After all, dogs are exposed to pretty much the same environment we are, but we chat, gossip, and pontificate, whereas they bark, with a few variants here and there.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Well, as far as we know dogs aren't having this conversation.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> As far as we know, right. As Gary Larson put it, when we listen in on dog conversations, all we hear is "heh, heh, heh."</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> Right, exactly.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> But this study is a nice example of how developmental factors can greatly influence morally relevant behavior in later life. This kind of story may have important implications for psychopathy where there is increasing evidence for early developmental problems, well before the signature of psychopathy shows itself in early adulthood. It's now fairly well documented that people who become psychopaths show signs of this disorder early, in the form of violence towards pets. Then later in life, this violence migrates to humans.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> From their pets? I'm suspicious of the whole idea of psychopathy.</p>

<p><b>MH:</b> You can't go there.</p>

<p><b>EM:</b> No, no, no. We <i>can</i> go there. Why not?</p>]]>
        
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<entry>
    <title>Cribsheet #15: Quantum Computing</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.seedmagazine.com/news/2008/05/cribsheet_15_quantum_computing.php" />
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    <published>2008-05-07T12:25:39Z</published>
    <updated>2008-05-07T15:34:32Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Seed&apos;s Downloadable Tool for Living in the 21st Century</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Maggie Wittlin</name>
        
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        <![CDATA[<p class="cribDeck">Scientific issues and innovations are figuring into everyday conversation
more than ever before. Recognizing that we could all use some brushing up, <i>Seed</i> offers its Cribsheet.</p>

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<p class="cribNumber">15</p>

<h3 class="cribLabel">Quantum Computing</h3>

<p>Quantum computers could, in theory, solve certain types of problems exponentially faster than "classical" computers. This Cribsheet explains the principles behind quantum computing: what they are, how they differ from classical computers, and how we could use them. It also discusses what types of problems quantum com